By Dr. Simon Moss
You can read this Article in: www.psych-it.com.au
Overview
A variety of interventions have been developed to facilitate positive emotions, wellbeing, growth, creativity, relationships, fulfillment, and other desirable consequences (for related interventions, see appreciative inquiry and loving-kindness meditation). These interventions are, collectively, sometimes called positive psychology interventions (for possible mechanisms that underlie the benefits, see broaden and build theory).
To illustrate, in one study, Fordyce (1983) examined the utility of a program that was designed to enhance happiness, called the 14 fundamentals of happiness. Across several studies, some of the participants were exposed to this program. They learnt about 14 principles, including the importance of a busy life, social interactions, close relationships, meaningful work, organized plans, plausible expectations, orientation to the present, maintaining integrity, and optimistic thinking. Other participants were assigned to various control groups.
The happiness program did increase happiness. Furthermore, this program unearthed new insights, behaviors, and techniques to cope with difficulties.
Many other programs have also been shown to enhance well-being, especially in older people (for a meta-analysis, see Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009). Effect sizes tend to be moderate, approximating .3 (Sin & Lyubomirsky, 2009).
To demonstrate, Seligman, Rashid, and Parks (2006) also developed a procedure that was designed to enhance happiness and wellbeing. Some participants were assigned to an intervention, demanding two hours a week for six weeks. In the first session, participants identified their key strengths and attempted to apply these strengths to their daily life. During the second session, participants reflected on three positive events during the day. In the third session, they imagined how they would like to be described during their obituary. Fourth, they wrote or read a letter to someone, expressing gratitude. Fifth, they learnt how to react positively and enthusiastically to favorable news from someone else. Finally, they learnt how to savor and enjoy daily experiences, like walking to class. The remaining participants were assigned to a control group, in which they were not exposed to any intervention.
One year later, individuals who had been exposed to the intervention, compared to the other participants, exhibited lower levels of depression. In another study, this intervention was also shown to curb depression in people diagnosed with unipolar depression (Seligman, Rashid, & Parks, 2006).
Savoring
Savoring refers to strategies that people use to maintain, or even to augment, their positive experiences (Bryant, 1989, 2003). Quoidbach, Berry, Hansenne, and Mikolajczak (2010) examined the utility of four spontaneous, rather than induced, savoring techniques. The first technique is called behavioral display in which individuals exhibit their positive affect through mannerisms and gestures, like smiling or pumping the air with their fist. The second technique is called being present and refers to deliberately maintaining attention on their immediate experience (for evidence of utility, see Bryant, 2003). The third technique is called capitalizing, in which individuals celebrate positive events with other people. The final technique is called positive mental time travel in which individuals remember past positive events or anticipate future positive events.
Furthermore, Quoidbach, Berry, Hansenne, and Mikolajczak (2010) also explored the impact of four dampening strategies–behaviors that, usually inadvertently, curtail positive experiences. The first strategy was suppression in which individuals attempt to repress or conceal positive feelings, perhaps because of modesty, shyness, or superstition. The second strategy is distraction in which individuals contemplate, or often worry about, issues that are unrelated to the positive experience. The third strategy is fault finding in which individuals direct attention to the shortfalls or limitations of some positive experience. The final strategy is negative mental time travel in which individuals attribute positive events to causes they could not control or imagine negative implications.
In particular, Quoidbach, Berry, Hansenne, and Mikolajczak (2010) investigated whether or not these strategies are associated with positive affect and life satisfaction. Being present and positive mental time travel were positively associated with positive affect, whereas capitalizing was positively associated with life satisfaction. Distraction was inversely associated with positive affect, and fault finding as well as negative mental time travel was negatively related to life satisfaction. Finally, individuals who utilized several savoring strategies, instead of only one of these techniques, were especially likely to experience this positive affect or life satisfaction. This application of many techniques might ensure sufficient variety and flexibility in the strategies that people adopt.
Hope
According to Snyder, Harris, Anderson, Holleran, Irving, and Sigmon et al. (1991), hope comprises two facets, called pathways and agency (see also Snyder, 2002). The concept of pathways represents the capacity of individuals to formulate plans to pursue their goals, uncovering alternative avenues and opportunities if obstacles arise. Agency represents the excitement, energy, determination and commitment that is needed to maintain these pathways.
Hope is often measured with a scale that comprises 12 items, called the Dispositional Hope Scale (Snyder et al., 1991). This scale measures both pathways and agency. This measure of hope has been shown to be positively associated with task performance on various tasks (e.g., Peterson, Gerhardt, & Rode, 2006) as well as the motivation to develop skills and expertise (e.g., Peterson, Gerhardt, & Rode, 2006), called a learning orientation.
As Bernardo (2010) highlighted, this questionnaire relates to the extent to which individuals feel they uncover their own pathways or feel committed to these plans. Nevertheless, hope can emanate from other sources, such as family, peers, or spiritual beings. Thus, Bernardo (2010) adapted the original scale to represent these other sources of hope. Typical questions included “My parents have lots of ways of helping me attain my goals”, “I have been able to meet my goals because of my friends’ help”, and “God has many different ways of letting me attain my goals”.
Personal hope was positively associated with facets that correspond to individualism, such as the degree to which individuals like to feel unique, competent, and responsible (Bernardo, 2010). Hope that emanates from the support of family or peers was associated with seeking advice, a facet of collectivism. Finally, hope that emanates from spirituality or divinity was related to the perceived importance of harmony, another facet of collectivism.
Dispositional hope might also curb the detrimental impact of rumination. In one study, for example, conducted by Geiger and Kwon (2010), participants completed a measure of rumination, in which they were asked to specify the extent to which they brood and reflect upon their experiences and feelings when upset. Next, they completed a measure of hope. Finally, to assess depression, the Becks Depression Inventory was administered. In general, brooding and reflection increased the likelihood of depression. However, when hope was elevated, this positive association diminished: Brooding and reflection were not as likely to culminate in depression.
Thus, regardless of whether individuals brood emotionally or reflect calmly, hope seems to be beneficial. Brooding and reflecting might both uncover plausible opportunities to improve the lives of individuals who also experience hope (Geiger & Kwon, 2010). That is, the pathways and agency that characterize hope might ensure that alternatives and possibilities that brooding and reflecting might unearth are perceived as feasible, curbing depression.
Cheavens, Feldman, Gum, Scott, and Snyder (2006) implemented an intervention that was designed to elicit a sense of hope. Some participants completed eight group sessions, each lasting two hours. During these sessions, participants discussed exercises such as setting meaningful and plausible goals, uncovering opportunities to fulfill these goals, unearthing sources of motivation to maintain this pursuit and prevent obstacles, evaluating progress, and modifying these goals and plans when necessary. Relative to a wait list control, these sessions were shown to improve agency, self esteem, and purpose as well as contain anxiety.
Feldman and Dreher (2011) examined whether a session that lasts only 90 minutes is sufficient to foster hope. In this session, participants were first instructed to identify a goal they would like to achieve over the next 6 months, such as lose weight or learn a skill. Over the next 20 minutes, they learn about hope, such as the importance of tangible goals, the need to identify pathways to achieve these goals, and techniques to instill a sense of agency. Third, on a piece of paper, participants transcribed their goals, recorded three steps they could achieve to fulfill this goal, and some obstacles that could impede each step, together with alternative pathways around these obstacles. In addition, they considered how they could maintain their motivation and capacity to complete these steps. Finally, they completed a visualization task in which they imagined how they would circumvent these obstacles, using all five senses to construct a vivid image. In the control condition, participants either completed a relaxation exercise or no exercise at all.
Participants completed a questionnaire before this intervention, after this intervention, and one month later. The questionnaire gauged a sense of hope and purpose in life. Progress on the goal was also assessed a month after the intervention. Relative to relaxation only, the hope intervention did enhance hope and purpose in life initially, but this improvement was not sustained a month later. However, the hope intervention, relative to the control groups, did enhance progress on the goal a month later.
Optimism
Shapira and Mongrain (2010) implemented and assessed a procedure that fosters optimism. Specifically, each day, over a week, participants were asked to envisage a positive future, perhaps 1 to 10 years from now, in various facets of their life: family, relationships, and work for example. They were then asked to write about these positive possibilities as well as existing issues they had solved in the future. They attempted to write about their activities at this time as vividly as possible. In addition, they were instructed to convey to themselves sage advice and important insights from the perspective of this future person.
In the control condition, each day, over the week, participants were asked to write about an early memory of their life. They described the activities they were undertaking, the feelings they were experiencing, and the people with whom they were interacting, if they could remember.
One week, one month, three months, and six months after this intervention, participants completed a series of measures that assessed their wellbeing. These measured included scales that gauge depression and happiness. Furthermore, they completed a questionnaire of self criticism, neediness, and connectedness.
Relative to the control condition, this optimism condition increased happiness over the next six months. This intervention diminished depression over the next three months.
Peters, Flink, and Boersma, and Linton (2010) developed another protocol to elicit optimism. Specifically, in this study, to elicit optimism, some participants wrote about their best possible self for 15 min . That is, they were asked to imagine their life if everything unfolded as they wanted. They were instructed to envisage that perhaps they have worked diligently and achieved their most important dreams. Once this image had been evoked, they wrote about this future for 15 minutes. Afterwards, they formed a vivid image of this account for 5 minutes. In the control condition, participants wrote about a typical day, but otherwise received similar instructions.
After they completed these exercises, they completed a measure of positive and negative affect. In addition, they answered questions that gauge the likelihood they feel that various positive and negative events will unfold, regardless of mood. For example, they were asked to indicate the likelihood they will become unwell or attract admiration.
Relative to the control condition, contemplation about the best possible self increased positive emotions and also augmented the perceived likelihood of positive events, representing optimism. Presumably, when individuals form vivid images of positive events, related consequences seem more probable. That is, events that can be imagined clearly seem more likely (for underlying mechanisms, see also fluency and the hedonic marking hypothesis).